I often find that the public’s feeling toward government is morphing into how they might rate a bad movie, book, or video game. Where criticism of how a country is governed was once tempered by a foundational belief that public institutions and civic responsibility were inherently good, today’s discourse—even after filtering out the bots—looks more like: “1 star, would not vote again.”
The idea that politics has drifted in this direction is not new. In What Money Can’t Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets, political philosopher Michael Sandel argues that when we shift from a citizen mindset to a consumer mindset, we lose our capacity for collective moral reasoning. While consumers ask, “What is in my best interest?” citizens ask, “What is best for the community?” I largely agree with this distinction, and I would argue that the total domination of social media in our daily lives has accelerated our drift toward consumerism when it comes to politics. After all, social media algorithms are built entirely around hyper-personalization—the ultimate consumer experience. When our feeds are custom-tailored to our exact preferences, we naturally begin to expect the physical world and the political landscape to adapt to our individual desires too, destroying the messy compromise required for citizenship.
It is tempting to neatly map consumers onto the traditional Right and citizens onto the traditional Left. When people imagine the state and the individual working in harmony for the common good, they often picture a fictional, socialist utopia of free everything and far too much dancing. However, the traditional Left/Right divide fails to define our current political moment, which is exactly why the consumer/citizen distinction is so valuable.
Those on the political Left are certainly guilty of consumerist politics. They frequently view the government as an ally to sanction anyone who doesn’t subscribe to their “flavor of the month” issue—using it to browbeat and shame those who haven’t updated their lingo. This crowd is just as uninterested in genuine debate as those on the political Right who scream for blood in the streets the moment they hear foreign accents in the queue at Greggs.
Conversely, those considered to be on the far-right have historically valued a version of citizenship: a strong state, serving its people and bolstered by their contributions, allowing those who work hard to rise to the top and prosper. Yet, as Hannah Arendt warned in The Origins of Totalitarianism, citizenship can exclude just as easily as it unites. Arendt deeply valued civic life, but she famously cautioned that when the state demands duty and productivity in exchange for belonging, it inevitably creates a hierarchy of “good citizens” and “outsiders”—marginalizing immigrants, the disabled, and the vulnerable. As political scientist Benjamin Barber later observed, when a thin, purely self-interested democracy forces people into a community without a shared moral framework, they often “turn it into a weapon against those who do not look like them.”
But while citizenship carries the risk of creating an “other,” consumerism suffers from a different flaw: it completely isolates those who are unable to “buy into” the society they live in. They are left to ride the volatile ebbs and flows of the market, where the only logical escape is to amass enough personal wealth to climb out. Those with the means to do so are relatively shielded from a failing society; they have the resources to invest in private schooling and healthcare, or simply leave the country altogether.
A classic complaint from the consumerist political mindset is: “Why should I pay for the NHS? I don’t even use it!” This makes perfect sense if you view the government as a private service provider, and taxes as mere subscription fees. This is the ultimate expression of what economist Albert O. Hirschman called the “Exit” strategy. When a commercial service falters, the consumer exercises their freedom to exit and buy a private alternative. A citizen’s stance, possessing what Hirschman called “Voice,” instead argues that paying taxes is not a service charge but a vital contribution to the state’s functioning—funding that allows society to work and provide for all its members, opting to repair the public asset they collectively own rather than walking away.
So, does political discourse ultimately boil down to collective well-being and civic duty versus personal freedom and individual utility? Mostly, yes, but it is not the full picture.
While the easiest way to distill the debate is the individual versus the collective, the individual’s current ascendancy didn’t happen overnight. Beyond social media, this trend can be linked directly back to the rise of New Public Management in the 1980s and 90s. This public sector philosophy argued that citizens should be treated as “customers” of the government, shifting the metric of state performance from the “overall public good” to customer satisfaction and cost-saving efficiencies.
This wasn’t just corporate theory; it fundamentally reshaped the physical and economic landscape of Britain. Policies like the Right to Buy scheme turned shared council housing into private financial assets to flip on the market, while the privatization of water and rail networks re-engineered public utilities into corporate entities where shareholders took precedence over stakeholders.
To this school of thought, treating the state as a “noble public good” is naive. Bureaucrats and politicians are viewed as self-interested actors rather than saints. Therefore, the theory goes, the state should be run like a business—forced to compete, held accountable via consumer choice, and leaving citizens with the “freedom to exit” if the service is terrible.
This management style worked in tandem with the “greed is good” philosophy of the era, which birthed the ill-informed doctrine of trickle-down economics. The premise was that enriching a tiny minority would spur entrepreneurship and naturally create prosperity for the wider population. We are still waiting for that particular bud to bear fruit.
Another way to frame this divide is whether it is justified to sacrifice for the greater good of the collective—via increased taxes to fund the state—or if individual prosperity is sacred and should never be stifled by regulations and high taxes. Robert Nozick encapsulated the latter viewpoint brilliantly in Anarchy, State, and Utopia:
“Taxation of earnings from labor is on a par with forced labor… taking the earnings of x hours of labor is like taking x hours from the person; it is like forcing the person to work x hours for another’s purpose.”
When you view your relationship to the state as a part-owner of a collective enterprise, the idea of taxation as theft completely falls away; the citizen sees it as an investment in the nation’s future prosperity. To the consumer mindset, however, it will always look like resources being unjustly seized by a ruler.
Ultimately, the rise of consumerist politics goes a long way toward explaining the intense polarization in our society. If the sole metric of a successful society is how well the individual is personally prospering, there are going to be a lot of angry, 1-star reviews left by those on the losing side of the wealth gap. That frustration is easily funneled into extremism against “the other.” Meanwhile, those on the opposite side of the political divide entrench their sense of personal superiority, distancing themselves from the realities of society and screaming for progressive cultural shifts, while the majority of people are simply trying to afford the cost of bread and butter.
If articles like this can ever have a truly satisfying conclusion, I would leave you with the one quote that sums up how we might best rebuild a genuinely functioning society:
“The true meaning of life is to plant trees, under whose shade you do not expect to sit.”
— Nelson Henderson
